Monday, January 31, 2011

nytimes:Gazing Afar for Other Earths, and Other Beings

Gazing Afar for Other Earths, and Other Beings

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/31/science/space/31planet.html?hp

MOFFETT FIELD, Calif. — In a building at NASA’s Ames Research Center here, computers are sifting and resifting the light from 156,000 stars, seeking to find in the flickering of distant suns the first hints that humanity is not alone in the universe.

The stars are being monitored by a $600 million satellite observatory named Kepler, whose job is to conduct a kind of Gallup poll of worlds in the cosmos. On Wednesday, Kepler’s astronomers are scheduled to unveil a closely kept list of 400 stars that are their brightest and best bets so far for harboring planets, some of which could turn out to be the smallest and most Earth-like worlds discovered out there to date. They represent the first glimpse of riches to come in a quest that is as old as the imagination and as new as the iPad.

Over the next two or three years, as Kepler continues to stare and sift, astronomers say, it will be able to detect planets in the “Goldilocks” zones, where it is neither too hot nor too cold for liquid water.

“What we want is to find life,” said Geoffrey Marcy, an astronomer at the University of California, Berkeley, who is part of the Kepler team.

William Borucki, 72, the lead scientist, who has spent the last 20 years getting Kepler off the ground, said recently in an interview in his office: “I’ve argued that Kepler is more important than the Hubble Space Telescope. We provide the data mankind needs to move out into space.”

These are science-fiction times. Kepler is only the first step in a process that experts agree will take decades. Both NASA and the European Space Agency have laid plans for a multidecade quest — employing ever more sophisticated and expensive spacecraft — for planets and life beyond Earth.

A roving robot laboratory named Curiosity will depart for Mars on a $2.5 billion mission this fall. Astronomers argue whether the next such mission should go to Jupiter’s moon Europa, with its subsurface ocean; Saturn’s moon Titan, which is coated with a methane slush; or another of Saturn’s moons, Enceladus, which is spouting geysers of water from its interior.

Right now, humans cannot even summon the money or political will to get back to the Moon, let alone set sail for another star. It would take 300,000 years for Voyager 1, now on the way out of the solar system at 39,000 miles per hour, to travel the 20 light-years, or 120 trillion miles, to Gliese 581, one of the nearest planetary systems; Kepler’s planets are from 500 to 3,000 light-years away. NASA and other organizations, like the Planetary Society, have experimented with devices like solar sails, in which a craft is pushed by sunlight or a powerful laser, and ion drives, in which high-energy particles do the propelling.

This is more than just an intellectual exercise, scientists say. Traditional religious images of ourselves as God’s creatures, or even of God, could be in for a rough time if we ever discover pond scum living by completely alien chemical rules on some moon or planet, let alone the Borg — the alien race ruled by a collective mind on “Star Trek” — inhabiting some distant realm.

Moreover, as astronomers keep reminding us, humanity will eventually lose Earth as its home, whether because of global warming or the ultimate plague or a killer asteroid or the Sun’s inevitable demise. Before then, if we want the universe to remember us or even know we were here, we need to get away.

It was only in 1995 that a team of Swiss astronomers led by Michel Mayor of the Geneva Observatory discovered the first planet of another Sun-like star using what is now known as the “wobble” method. A planet gives its star a little gravitational tug as it goes around, causing the star to go back and forth, or wobble, a little as both star and planet circle the same center of gravity. They detected a wobble in the motion of the star 51 Pegasi as an object about half the mass of Jupiter whipped around it every four days.

Like Olives in a Martini Glass

Over the next decade, Dr. Mayor’s group and another planet-hunting team led by Dr. Marcy and R. Paul Butler of the Carnegie Institution leapfrogged each other in finding exoplanets, as they are called. More and more astronomers have joined the hunt, discovering smaller and smaller planets. Astronomers have recorded direct images of four planets swirling like olives in a martini glass around a star known as HR 8799, 130 light-years from Earth in the constellation Pegasus, and another circling Fomalhaut, only 25 light-years from Earth, in the constellation Piscis Austrinus.

There are now more than 500 planets listed on the Jet Propulsion Laboratory’s PlanetQuest Web site. None are habitable.

Among them is the so-called Styrofoam planet — an early trophy of Kepler’s — a planet that is again half as large as Jupiter, but so puffed up by the heat of its star that it is only one-tenth as dense. Another is a planet composed almost entirely of superheated water and sometimes called the Steam World; it is known as Gliese 1214b, about 40 light-years from here in the constellation Ophiuchus.

Last year, a team of American astronomers announced that they had discovered a Goldilocks planet orbiting a dim red dwarf star at just the right distance to harbor water on its surface, making it a potential site for life. Gliese 581g, as it is known, is part of the Gliese 581 system 20 light-years from here, in Libra. But then the Swiss astronomers who first spotted that system were not able to find the Goldilocks planet in their own data, causing many astronomers, but not its discoverers, to doubt that the friendly 581g was real.

The Kepler project grew out of Mr. Borucki’s lifelong love of space.

Mr. Borucki grew up in a small town in Wisconsin, shooting homemade rockets into the sky and praying that they did not hit a neighbor’s cow.

“As a kid, this is what you wanted to do,” he said.

After getting a master’s degree in physics from the University of Wisconsin, he went to work on the Apollo Moon program, becoming an expert in precise measurements of light. In 1984, he suggested that such measurements could be used to look for planets.

The idea is that a planet passing in front of its star would block a little of its light — very little. In the case of the Earth, the dip would amount to 84 parts per million in the Sun’s light — less than a hundredth of a percent.

In 1993, when Mr. Borucki and his collaborators proposed building a satellite to do such measurements, NASA said, “If doable, it’s fabulous,” recalled David Koch of the University of Wisconsin, Mr. Borucki’s longtime collaborator. But NASA did not think detectors could be so precise..

lacba.org:[cipa]For example, if the government has intercepted the defendant's telephone conversation through a classified intelligence method, an unc

MCLE Article: Criminal Prosecutions and Classified Information[cipa]

http://www.lacba.org/showpage.cfm?pageid=7070

**Courts often find that substitutions meet this standard in outsider cases, either at the discovery stage under CIPA Section 4 or at the trial stage under CIPA Section 6(c)(1).31 The classified information in such cases often has no significant bearing on the disputed issues in the case. [cipa]For example, if the government has intercepted the defendant's telephone conversation through a classified intelligence method, an unclassified description of the method may suffice for the defendant to move to suppress the recording pretrial and to challenge its authenticity at trial. The legislative history of CIPA contains similar examples of acceptable substitutions. In testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee, the DOJ posited a case in which the defendant sought to demonstrate that a government agent urged him to commit the crime, and the government would be permitted to admit or summarize the relevant facts without disclosing the agent's name.32


[32 See, e.g., Hearing on S. 1482 Before the Subcomm. on Criminal Justice of the Senate Comm. on the Judiciary, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 9 (1980) (statement of Assistant Attorney General Philip B. Heymann).
33 See, e.g., S. Rep. No. 96-823, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 9, reprinted in 1980 U.S. Code Cong. & Admin. News 4294, 4302.]

fletc.gov:The Classified Information Procedures Act[cipa]

The Classified Information Procedures Act[cipa]

http://www.fletc.gov/training/programs/legal-division/downloads-articles-and-faqs/articles/the-classified-information-procedures-act.html/

An Introduction and Practical Guide for Criminal Investigators

Jim McAdams
Senior Legal Instructor
Federal Law Enforcement Training Center

I. INTRODUCTION

A. The Scenario

It’s Monday morning. You are the Group Supervisor in a small office of the Customs and Border Protection. You’ve just poured your second cup of coffee and are starting to review your case file in preparation for an upcoming trial when you are interrupted by the phone ringing. It’s your administrative assistant advising that two Customs and Border Protection officers (CBPO) are here to see you. The CBPOs say they’ve been up all night working on a case that started as a routine border matter but which now apparently involves extremely sensitive and classified information. So much for preparing for trial. You lean back in your office chair and listen to the CBPOs as they begin their case presentation.

Just before midnight, Marcos Sandaval, a Venezuelan businessman, arrived at the Jacksonville Airport aboard a charter flight from Caracas. He presented his Venezuelan passport to Immigration and was then allowed to proceed for inspection by U.S. Customs. In his Customs Declaration, Sandaval had indicated that he was not carrying in excess of $10,000 in U.S. currency. The Customs Inspector, acting on a hunch after questioning Sandaval, directed him to a secondary inspection. During secondary, the Inspector found $500,000 in U.S. Currency concealed in the lining of Sandaval’s briefcase along with a second passport, this one from Eritrea, in Sandaval’s name. The Customs Inspector thereafter placed Sandaval under arrest and called his supervisor. The supervisor and his immediate assistant, both of whom are now sitting before you making the case presentation, responded to the airport. Sandaval, after being advised of his Miranda rights, invoked his rights of silence and to have his attorney present before any questioning.

So, you ask yourself, what’s the big deal? Why have these two CBPOs lost sleep over this case? You quickly learn that they ran Sandaval’s name through a Joint Terrorism Task Force index from which there was a “hit.” Unfortunately, there was no further information in the JTTF index other than an advisory to contact the CIA. When these CBPOs did so, they were advised that no information could be released to them until their clearances were verified and passed by FBI’s security office to CIA’s security office. Once that matter was accomplished, the CBPOs learned what they had begun to suspect: Sandaval is a documented CIA source.

You have the requisite clearances, so you call a contact of yours at Langley, using your Secure Telephone Unit (STU III), a telephone approved for conversations involving classified information. You learn that Sandaval is a documented source under the control of a CIA operative who was operating in an undeclared status out of Ethiopia; that is, the government of Ethiopia was unaware of his agency affiliation. One of the defendant's businesses involves the export and sale of dual use technology, including devices that can be used to trigger explosives attached to missiles, and the CIA has advised Customs that its operations agent was responsible, in part, for providing funds to Sudanese rebels based in Ethiopia. Your CIA source advises you that Sandaval may defend by, among other things, claiming that the $500K was intended to fund the Sudanese rebels on behalf of the CIA.

B. What now?

If you were that Group Supervisor, what concerns do you think should be triggered in your mind by the foregoing events? First, this case will clearly involve classified information, maybe not to prove Sandaval’s omission in his Customs Declaration, but certainly to counter what will likely be his defense, that is, that he was lawfully acting on behalf of a United States agency, the CIA. There can be little doubt that classified information exists that is either relevant to Sandaval’s defense, to the government’s rebuttal to that defense, or both. You have your clearances, but Sandaval certainly doesn’t. How then may the government, prosecutors and agents, meet their discovery obligations and prosecutorial objectives without compromising classified information?

The answer lies in the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA) found at Title 18, United States Code, Appendix III. This article will introduce the reader to CIPA and to how its provisions play out in the development of a criminal case, from the investigation to trial preparation and during the trial itself. Armed with such information, you, if you were the Group Supervisor in the foregoing scenario, and any other criminal investigator who encounters similar circumstances, will be better able to gauge the unfolding investigation in order to avoid compromising classified information through unauthorized disclosure while at the same time providing support to the Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) in meeting his or her discovery obligations to the defendant and, ultimately, in successfully prosecuting the case.

C. Caveats

Criminal investigators and prosecutors should remember one thing about CIPA, arguably above all else. It is ONLY a procedural statute; it neither adds to nor detracts from the substantive and procedural rights of the defendant or the discovery obligations of the government. That being said, however, the objectives of CIPA are as important as any within the procedural laws of the United States:

FIRST: to provide the government with advance notice when a defendant intends to disclose classified information during litigation of pretrial issues or at a criminal trial;

SECOND: to permit the government to avoid unnecessary harm to the national security where the disclosure of such information is not legally required; and

THIRD: to permit the government to gauge the harm to national security, and thereby determine how and whether to proceed, where the disclosure of such information is necessary to the fair resolution of the case.

It must be remembered that CIPA is NOT a sword by which the government may excise otherwise discoverable information. Rather it is a shield against unnecessary or inadvertent disclosures of classified information in a criminal case; and, where there is discoverable classified information in a case, it gives the government advance notice of the national security "cost" of going forward.

...Substitution Pursuant to Section 6(c)

Section 6(c) is of particular importance to the AUSA and you as the criminal investigator. Just as substitutions and redactions may be permitted as to the discovery material, the same applies to classified material that the Court rules to be relevant and admissible at trial. In that event, the government has the options of "substituting" and "redacting" pursuant to Section 6(c) of CIPA. The government may move to substitute either (1) a statement admitting relevant facts that the classified information would tend to prove, or (2) a summary of the classified information instead of the classified information itself. The Court must grant that motion if the "statement or summary will provide the defendant with substantially the same ability to make his defense as would disclosure of the specified classified information."

But what do you do if the Court rejects your proposed substitutions? The answer is that you must tee up the issue for resolution by the Attorney General who will then have two options: (1) order the case to be dismissed; or, (2) file an affidavit effectively prohibiting the use of the contested classified information. At that point, the Court may impose sanctions against the government, which may include striking all or part of a witness' testimony, resolving an issue of fact against the United States, or dismissing part or all of the indictment.

Sunday, January 30, 2011

nytimes:Egyptians Defiant as Military Does Little to Quash Protests

Egyptians Defiant as Military Does Little to Quash Protests

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/31/world/middleeast/31-egypt.html?_r=1&hp

CAIRO — President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt struggled to maintain a tenuous hold on power on Sunday after the police withdrew from the major cities and the military did nothing to hold back tens of thousands of demonstrators defying a curfew to call for an end to his nearly 30 years of authoritarian rule.

Sunday is usually the start of the working week here but, news reports said, banks schools and the stock market remained closed in a city paralyzed by the uprising, scarred by looting and braced for further protests. Some Cairenes said gas stations were running out of fuel and many automated cash machines had either run out of money or had been looted. Many protesters could still be seen in the area around the central Tahrir, or Independence, Square, but soldiers appeared to have thrown up new roadblocks, turning back cars.

As street protests flared for a fifth day on Saturday, Mr. Mubarak fired his cabinet and appointed Omar Suleiman, his right-hand man and the country’s intelligence chief, as vice president. Mr. Mubarak, who was vice president himself when he took power after the assassination of President Anwar el-Sadat, had until now steadfastly refused pressure to name any successor, so the move stirred speculation that he was planning to resign.

That, in turn, raised the prospect of an unpredictable handover of power in a country that is a pivotal American ally — a fear that administration officials say factored into President Obama’s calculus not to push for Mr. Mubarak’s resignation, at least for now.

The appointments of two former generals — Mr. Suleiman and Ahmed Shafik, who was named prime minister — also signaled the central role the armed forces will play in shaping the outcome of the unrest. But even though the military is widely popular with the public, there was no sign that the government shakeup would placate protesters, who added anti-Suleiman slogans to their demands.

On Saturday, Mohamed ElBaradei, the Noble laureate and a leading critic of the government, told Al Jazeera that Mr. Mubarak should step down immediately so that a new “national unity government” could take over, though he offered no details about its makeup.

Control of the streets, meanwhile, cycled through a dizzying succession of stages.

After an all-out war against hundreds of thousands of protesters who flooded the streets on Friday night, the legions of black-clad security police officers — a reviled paramilitary force focused on upholding the state — withdrew from the biggest cities.

Looters smashed store windows and ravaged shopping malls as police stations and the national party headquarters burned through the night. Two mummies were destroyed in Cairo’s Egyptian Museum, the country’s chief antiquities official said. Then thousands of army troops stepped in late Friday to reinforce the police. By Saturday morning, a sense of celebration took over the central squares of the capital as at least some members of the military encouraged the protesters instead of cracking down on them.

It was unclear whether the soldiers in the streets were operating without orders or in defiance of them. But their displays of support for the protesters were conspicuous throughout the capital. In the most striking example, four armored military vehicles moved at the front of a crowd of thousands of protesters in a pitched battle against the Egyptian security police defending the Interior Ministry.

But the soldiers refused protesters’ pleas to open fire on the security police. And the police battered the protesters with tear gas, shotguns and rubber bullets. There were pools of blood in the streets, and protesters carried at least a dozen wounded from the front line of the clashes.

Everywhere in Cairo, soldiers and protesters hugged or snapped pictures together on top of military tanks. With the soldiers’ consent, protesters scrawled graffiti denouncing Mr. Mubarak on many of the tanks. “This is the revolution of all the people,” read a common slogan. “No, no, Mubarak” was another.

One camouflage-clad soldier shouted through a megaphone from the top of a tank: “I don’t care what happens, but you are the ones who are going to make the change!”

By Saturday night, informal brigades of mostly young men armed with bats, kitchen knives and other makeshift weapons had taken control, setting up checkpoints around the city.

Some speculated that the sudden withdrawal of the police from the cities — even some museums and embassies in Cairo were left unguarded — was intended to create chaos that could justify a crackdown. And reports of widespread looting and violence did return late Saturday night, dominating the state-controlled news media.

“How come there is no security at all?” asked Mohamed Salmawy, president of the Egyptian Writers Union. “It is very fishy that the police had decided to leave the country completely to the thugs and angry mobs.”

The Mubarak government may have considered its security police more reliable than the military, where service is compulsory for all Egyptian men. While soldiers occupied central squares, a heavy deployment of security police officers remained guarding several closed-off blocks around Mr. Mubarak’s presidential palace.

Before the street fights late Saturday, government officials had acknowledged more than 70 deaths in the unrest, with 40 around Cairo. But the final death toll is likely to be much higher. One doctor in a crowd of protesters said the staff at his Cairo hospital alone had seen 23 people dead from bullet wounds, and he showed digital photographs of the victims.

There were ominous signs of lawlessness Saturday in places where the police had abandoned their posts.

In the northern port city of Alexandria, some residents were unnerved by the young men on patrol.

“We’re Egyptians. We’re real men,” said a shopkeeper, brandishing a machete. “We can protect ourselves.”

Peter Bouckaert, emergencies director of Human Rights Watch, said that he observed a group of soldiers completely surrounded by people asking for help in protecting their neighborhoods. The army told them that they would have to take care of their own neighborhoods and that there might be reinforcements Sunday.

“Egypt has been a police state for 30 years. For the police to suddenly disappear from the streets is a shocking experience,” Mr. Bouckaert said.

State television also announced the arrest of an unspecified number of members of the Muslim Brotherhood, the outlawed Islamist group long considered the largest and best organized political group in Egypt, for “acts of theft and terrorism.”

It was unclear, however, what role the Brotherhood played in the protests or might play if Mr. Mubarak were toppled. There have been many signs of Brotherhood members marching and chanting in the crowds. But the throngs —mostly spontaneous — were so large that the Brotherhood’s members seemed far from dominant. Questions about the Brotherhood elicited shouting matches among protesters, with some embracing it and others against it.

If Mr. Mubarak’s decision to pick a vice president aroused hopes of his exit, his choice of Mr. Suleiman did nothing to appease the crowds in the streets. Long trusted with most sensitive matters like the Israeli-Palestinian talks, Mr. Suleiman is well connected in both Washington and Tel Aviv. But he is also Mr. Mubarak’s closest aide, considered almost an alter ego, and the protesters’ negative reaction was immediate.

“Oh Mubarak, oh Suleiman, we have heard that before,” they chanted. “Neither Mubarak nor Suleiman — both are stooges of the Americans.”

Many of the protesters were critical of the United States and complained about American government support for Mr. Mubarak or expressed disappointment with President Obama. But either because of Mr. Obama’s Muslim family history or because of his much-publicized speech here at the start of his presidency, many of the protesters expressed their criticism by telling American journalists that they had something to tell the president, directly.

“I want to send a message to President Obama,” said Mohamed el-Mesry, a middle-aged professional. “I call on President Obama, at least in his statements, to be in solidarity with the Egyptian people and freedom, truly like he says.”

The unrest continued in other areas of Egypt and reverberated across the broader region, where other autocratic leaders have long held on to power.

In Sinai, officials said that the security police had withdrawn from broad portions of the territory, leaving armed Bedouins in control. At least five members of the police, both law enforcement and state security, were killed, officials said.

King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia blamed unnamed agitators for the demonstrations in Egypt. The Saudi Press Agency quoted him saying: “No Arab or Muslim can tolerate any meddling in the security and stability of Arab and Muslim Egypt by those who infiltrated the people in the name of freedom of expression, exploiting it to inject their destructive hatred.”

And in Yemen, dozens of protesters took to the streets of Sana in solidarity with Egyptian demonstrators, local media reported. There were large antigovernment demonstrations in Yemen last week, as critics were inspired by the protests that forced the downfall of Tunisia’s president.

The Egyptian government restored cellphone connections, turned off Friday morning in an apparent effort to thwart protesters’ coordination. But Internet access remained shut off Saturday.

The army moved to secure Cairo International Airport on Saturday. The Associated Press reported that as many as 2,000 people had flocked there in a frantic attempt to leave the country. Flights were available, but often rescheduled or canceled later in the day.

As night fell, bursts of gunfire could be heard throughout the city and the suburbs. And the groups of armed young men stopped cars at checkpoints every few blocks throughout the city. Several were visibly coordinating with military officers, even setting up joint military-civilian checkpoints.

One group on the Nile island of Zamalek was ripping up sheets to make armbands that they said soldiers had instructed them to wear. A group at the base of a central bridge kept a case of beer nearby to cheer themselves. And many swelled with pride at their role defending their communities and, they said, their country.

“Who controls the street controls the country,” said Dr. Khaled Abdelfattah, 38, patrolling downtown. “We are in charge now.”

Saturday, January 29, 2011

haaretz:Obama will go down in history as the president who lost Egypt The street revolts in Tunisia and Egypt show that the United States can do very

Obama will go down in history as the president who lost Egypt

The street revolts in Tunisia and Egypt show that the United States can do very little to save its friends from the wrath of their citizens.

By Aluf Benn

http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/obama-will-go-down-in-history-as-the-president-who-lost-egypt-1.340057

Jimmy Carter will go down in American history as "the president who lost Iran," which during his term went from being a major strategic ally of the United States to being the revolutionary Islamic Republic. Barack Obama will be remembered as the president who "lost" Turkey, Lebanon and Egypt, and during whose tenure America's alliances in the Middle East crumbled.

The superficial circumstances are similar. In both cases, a United States in financial crisis and after failed wars loses global influence under a leftist president whose good intentions are interpreted abroad as expressions of weakness. The results are reflected in the fall of regimes that were dependent on their relationship with Washington for survival, or in a change in their orientation, as with Ankara.

America's general weakness clearly affects its friends. But unlike Carter, who preached human rights even when it hurt allies, Obama sat on the fence and exercised caution. He neither embraced despised leaders nor evangelized for political freedom, for fear of undermining stability.

Obama began his presidency with trips to Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and in speeches in Ankara and Cairo tried to forge new ties between the United States and the Muslim world. His message to Muslims was "I am one of you," and he backed it by quoting from the Koran. President Hosni Mubarak did not join him on the stage at Cairo University, and Obama did not mention his host. But he did not imitate his hated predecessor, President George W. Bush, with blunt calls for democracy and freedom.

Obama apparently believed the main problem of the Middle East was the Israeli occupation, and focused his policy on demanding the suspension of construction in the settlements and on the abortive attempt to renew the peace talks. That failure led him to back off from the peace process in favor of concentrating on heading off an Israeli-Iranian war.

Americans debated constantly the question of whether Obama cut his policy to fit the circumstances or aimed at the wrong targets. The absence of human rights issues from U.S. policy vis-a-vis Arab states drew harsh criticism; he was accused of ignoring the zeitgeist and clinging to old, rotten leaders. In the past few months many opinion pieces have appeared in the Western press asserting that the days of Mubarak's regime are numbered and calling on Obama to reach out to the opposition in Egypt. There was a sense that the U.S. foreign policy establishment was shaking off its long-term protege in Cairo, while the administration lagged behind the columnists and commentators.

The administration faced a dilemma. One can guess that Obama himself identified with the demonstrators, not the aging dictator. But a superpower isn't the civil rights movement. If it abandons its allies the moment they flounder, who would trust it tomorrow? That's why Obama rallied to Mubarak's side until Friday, when the force of the protests bested his regime.

The street revolts in Tunisia and Egypt showed that the United States can do very little to save its friends from the wrath of their citizens. Now Obama will come under fire for not getting close to the Egyptian opposition leaders soon enough and not demanding that Mubarak release his opponents from jail. He will be accused of not pushing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hard enough to stop the settlements and thus indirectly quell the rising tides of anger in the Muslim world. But that's a case of 20:20 hindsight. There's no guarantee that the Egyptian or Tunisian masses would have been willing to live in a repressive regime even if construction in Ariel was halted or a few opposition figures were released from jail.

Now Obama will try to hunker down until the winds of revolt die out, and then forge ties with the new leaders in the region. It cannot be assumed that Mubarak's successors will be clones of Iran's leaders, bent on pursuing a radical anti-American policy. Perhaps they will emulate Turkey's prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who navigates among the blocs and superpowers without giving up his country's membership in NATO and its defense ties with the United States. Erdogan obtained a good deal for Turkey, which benefits from political stability and economic growth without being in anyone's pocket. It could work for Egypt, too.

IYMAN FARIS:WILL NOT COMMUNICATE ANY TERRORISM INFORMATION, OTHER THAN AUTHORIZED PERSONS

IYMAN FARIS:WILL NOT COMMUNICATE ANY TERRORISM INFORMATION, OTHER THAN AUTHORIZED PERSONS

http://www.investigativeproject.org/documents/case_docs/115.pdf

"the defendant agrees he will not communicate with anyone" (except authorized persons) "any information he has about his own or other persons' involvement in criminal or terrorist activity to anyone other than" (authorized persons)

US v. Iyman Faris Alexandria, VA:DOCUMENTS

http://www.investigativeproject.org/case/120

US v. Iyman Faris
Alexandria, VA

Al Qaeda

[EDVA] In 2003, Iyman Faris, a Kashmiri native, pled guilty to an al Qaeda plot to destroy the Brooklyn Bridge. Faris met with Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda leaders in a jihad training camp in Afghanistan in 2000.



Read more at:

nytimes:Egypt’s Military Is Seen as Pivotal in Next Step

Egypt’s Military Is Seen as Pivotal in Next Step

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/29/world/middleeast/29forces.html?_r=1&ref=global-home

Even as armored military vehicles deployed around important Egyptian government institutions on Friday for the first time in decades, it remained difficult to predict what role the armed forces might play in either quelling the disturbances or easing President Hosni Mubarak from power.

“Are they on the side of the nation or are they on the side of the regime?” a former senior Western diplomat with long service in Cairo asked. “That distinction had been blurred. We are now seeing a modern test of whether there is a separation between the two.”

The Egyptian military, the world’s 10th largest, is powerful, popular and largely opaque.

The military carried out the 1952 coup that overthrew the monarchy and has considered itself the shepherd of the revolution ever since; all four presidents in the ensuing years have been military generals.

But Mr. Mubarak, who led the Air Force before rising to prominence when President Anwar el-Sadat appointed him vice president in 1975, worked hard to keep the army out of overt politics and under his control.

In one famous incident, he dismissed Field Marshal Abdel-Halim Abu Ghazala, a popular, charismatic war hero, from his post as defense minister in 1989. The general had been tied to a smuggling scandal, but most analysts thought he had been fired because his public profile was too high.

No general has sought to curry public favor since. The current defense minister, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, an unpopular man in his late 70s, is considered unlikely to challenge Mr. Mubarak.

When Tunisia exploded in chaos this month, the decision of the military chief not to fire on protesters was seen as a decisive factor in driving President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali out of the country. No one thinks a Mubarak loyalist like General Tantawi would play that role, but at some point his top subordinates might consider it. (Senior members of the general staff were in Washington when the violence erupted and hurried home.)

The army commands broad respect in Egypt. Demonstrators cheered on Friday as tanks deployed in front of government buildings like the Foreign Ministry and the main broadcast center. The demonstrators were partly inspired by the Tunisian example, analysts said, and some hoped that the military might play a similar role in Egypt.

The public’s respect contrasts sharply with the prevailing view of the police and other Interior Ministry forces, who are known for brutality and nicknamed “bultagia,” or thugs, by Egyptians.

Egypt’s military, with about 468,000 soldiers, is an institution apart, with its own social clubs and shopping centers. It has expanded over the decades into civilian areas like real estate development and engineering.

It has also provided a means of social advancement, where men from poor families can earn prestige and join the upper middle class. Mr. Mubarak has appointed retired generals to run most provinces and important state-run companies.

But deploying tanks is a sign of desperation, and raises the question of when the military might begin to doubt Mr. Mubarak’s viability. The tipping point could come, analysts believe, if the military is ordered to fire on demonstrators in any large numbers. It is one thing to protect government buildings from looters, but something else to tarnish the reputation of the army by killing citizens, they said.

“If the military fires on civilians after demonstrations that are clearly popular, that will imperil the standing of the military, its integrity,” said Samer Shehata, a professor of Arab politics at Georgetown University. “This time the institution’s future is at risk.”

Such action could also damage the military’s relationship with the United States, which may give the generals pause. The United States has provided about $35 billion in military aid to Egypt since it made peace with Israel in 1978. Robert Gibbs, President Obama’s spokesman, said that aid to Egypt, now $1.3 billion a year, would come under review should the violence continue.

Analysts have long predicted that the military’s view of Egypt’s political future would emerge only after Mr. Mubarak died. But now the question of how Egypt should be governed has been fast-forwarded.

If the military did remove the president, it is doubtful that Egypt could be run by a fifth military man for anything more than a transitional period.

“This is the people’s moment for a democratic transition,” said Emad el-Din Shahin, a professor at the University of Notre Dame, noting that awareness was running high among the young demonstrators that nondemocratic regimes are an anomaly in the modern world. “Will the people tolerate another 60 years of direct military rule?”

Friday, January 28, 2011

fbi.gov:The 24-Hour Case Anatomy of a Cyber Investigation

The 24-Hour Case
Anatomy of a Cyber Investigation

10/31/07

http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2007/october/cybercase103107

Ever wonder how we run a cyber investigation? Here's a good example…a potentially deadly threat that we ran to ground in short order with the help of our partners.

Setting the stage. On April 17, a day after the tragic shootings at Virginia Tech, we learned that a message had been posted on the Internet threatening a similar attack at San Diego State University in Southern California.

We took that threat very seriously, realizing that lives could be at risk from a potential copycat shooter. Our field office in San Diego quickly opened an investigation.

Here’s a rough timeline of how our case played out:

4/17/07, 10:55 p.m. San Diego State University police notified our San Diego office of an online posting threatening to kill 50 students the next day and referencing the Virginia Tech shootings. San Diego's violent crime and cyber squads (with the help of the Computer Analysis and Response Team) joined forces to respond.

4/18/07, 2:30 a.m. San Diego special agents arrived at the university police station. There, they studied the web posting.

4/18/07, 3:00 a.m. From the website, investigators identified the web hosting company and its owner.

4/18/07, 7:30 a.m. When morning dawned, agents telephoned Cristobal Fernando Gonzalez, owner of the web hosting company, asking for a copy of his chat logs. We hoped that he’d direct us to the person who posted the message. Instead, Mr. Gonzalez confessed to posting the threat himself and agreed to an in-person interview.

4/18/07, 8:00 a.m. Gonzalez met with FBI agents and university police. He admitted to posting the threat because he was trying to gin up interest for one of his new websites.

4/18/07, 10:00 a.m. We contacted the U.S. Attorney, who ultimately decides whether or not to prosecute such cases. In light of the shootings at Virginia Tech, the decision was made to go forward.

4/18/07, 5:00 p.m. A federal arrest warrant was issued for Gonzalez on charges of "Sending a Threatening Communication over the Internet."

4/18/07, 6:50 p.m. Gonzalez was taken into custody and transported to our San Diego office to be photographed and fingerprinted. Less than an hour later, he was in jail.

The whole case ran less than 24 hours, from start to finish. And while the threat turned out to be a hoax, we certainly didn’t know that at the time so it had to be pursued vigorously and quickly...with the full cooperation of the university police.

The speed of this case was made possible by the fact that we’d already established a great working relationship with university police long before this threat came along. The investigation went faster and smoother as a result.

Epilogue: Gonzalez pled guilty in June, and in early September a federal judge—wanting to deter others from posting phony cyber threats—sentenced him to six months in jail.

All in a day’s work!

nytimes:Seizing a Moment, Al Jazeera Taps Arab Anger

Seizing a Moment, Al Jazeera Taps Arab Anger

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/28/world/middleeast/28jazeera.html?_r=1&hp

The protests rocking the Arab world this week have one thread uniting them: Al Jazeera, the Qatar-based satellite channel whose aggressive coverage has helped propel insurgent emotions from one capital to the next.

Al Jazeera has been widely hailed for helping enable the revolt in Tunisia with its galvanizing early reports, even as Western-aligned political factions in Lebanon and the West Bank attacked and burned the channel’s offices and vans this week, accusing it of incitement against them.

In many ways, it is Al Jazeera’s moment — not only because of the role it has played, but also because the channel has helped to shape a narrative of popular rage against oppressive American-backed Arab governments (and against Israel) ever since its founding 15 years ago. That narrative has long been implicit in the channel’s heavy emphasis on Arab suffering and political crisis, its screaming-match talk shows, even its sensational news banners and swelling orchestral accompaniments.

“The notion that there is a common struggle across the Arab world is something Al Jazeera helped create,” said Marc Lynch, a professor of Middle East Studies at George Washington University who has written extensively on the Arab news media. “They did not cause these events, but it’s almost impossible to imagine all this happening without Al Jazeera.”

Yet Al Jazeera’s opaque loyalties and motives are as closely scrutinized as its reporting. It is accused of tailoring its coverage to support Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza against their Lebanese and Palestinian rivals. Its reporter in Tunisia became a leading partisan in the uprising there. And critics speculate that the network bowed to the diplomatic interests of the Qatari emir, its patron, by initially playing down the protests in Egypt.

Not since the 2003 invasion of Iraq, when American officials accused it of sympathy for Saddam Hussein and the insurgency that arose after his downfall, has Al Jazeera been such a lightning rod. This time, its antagonists as well as its supporters are spread all over the Arab world.

This week, Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority, accused Al Jazeera of distorting his positions, inciting violence and trying to destroy him politically. The station had broadcast a special report based on leaked documents that appeared to show Mr. Abbas and his allies offering Israel far-reaching concessions on Jerusalem and the fate of Palestinian refugees. The reporting set off angry demonstrations against the Palestinian Authority in Gaza, and in response, Abbas loyalists attacked Al Jazeera’s office in Ramallah.

In Lebanon, Sunni supporters of the ousted prime minister, Saad Hariri, set fire to an Al Jazeera van and menaced a crew in the northern city of Tripoli, accusing the channel of sympathizing with their Shiite opponents.

There is little doubt that Al Jazeera takes sides in the Palestinian dispute, portraying Hamas more favorably than its rivals — and it is more open about Arab anger at Israel than some other outlets. Even the station’s fans concede that it has blind spots and political vulnerabilities.

On Tuesday afternoon, as the street protests in Egypt were heating up, Al Jazeera was uncharacteristically slow to report them, airing a culture documentary, a sports show and more of its “Palestine Papers” coverage of the leaked documents.

Many Egyptians felt betrayed, and Facebook and Twitter were full of rumors about a deal between Qatar — the Persian Gulf emirate whose emir, Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, founded Al Jazeera in 1996 — and President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, who visited the emir in Doha last month. Within a day, Al Jazeera was reporting from the streets in Cairo in its usual manic style.

Al Jazeera’s freewheeling broadcasts have long made it the bête noire of Arab governments, and in some earlier instances they have succeeded in reining it in.

In 2007, the channel received orders to soften its blunt coverage of Saudi Arabia after Qatar and the Saudis mended a smoldering political feud. That remains a weak point for Al Jazeera — as for most of the pan-Arab press, which is largely owned by Saudi Arabia.

Yet for all its flaws, Al Jazeera still operates with less constraint than almost any other Arab outlet, and remains the most popular channel in the region. To many Arabs, Al Jazeera’s recent exposé on the Palestinian Authority documents — sometimes called “Pali-leaks” — is of a piece with its reporting on protests against autocratic Arab regimes.

The Palestinian Authority is widely seen as a pawn of Israel and the West, an institution with little popular support that is kept alive by force, much like those Arab dictators. If Al Jazeera is often accused of institutional sympathy for Islamists, that is at least in part because Islamism has become the most powerful popular force in the region (though not, curiously enough, in the recent protests).

And Al Jazeera has been widely admired for its aggressive coverage of the Tunisian uprising, which was largely ignored in most Western outlets. The channel succeeded despite serious obstacles: the Tunisian government had barred its reporters from the country, and a Tunisian born-anchor, Mohammed Krichen, arranged for an old friend, Lotfi Hajji, to work under cover as Al Jazeera’s eyes and ears on the ground.

Mr. Hajji, a freelance journalist who also calls himself a human rights activist, was followed and harassed by the secret police almost constantly. After the uprising started, local contacts began sending Mr. Hajji amateur videos of police violence over Facebook. Al Jazeera began showing the grainy cellphone videos on its broadcasts, as part of what the station sympathetically labeled “the Sidi Bouzid Uprising” after the town where a young man started it all by setting himself on fire on Dec. 17.

Each time Al Jazeera broadcast the videos, more would flood into Mr. Hajji’s Facebook account, in a cycle that blew the seeds of revolt across the country.

“During the era of Ben Ali a lot of journalists wouldn’t dare broadcast these images — like a video of a policeman beating a common citizen, because the police might come for them,” Mr. Hajji said. “But being a human rights activist pushed me to show what was really happening.”

Two years ago, an amateur journalist reporting for a Web site was jailed for showing film of an uprising in the Tunisian city of Gafsa; with no coverage in Facebook or Al Jazeera, it never spread to other towns.

As the protests accelerated this month, some Tunisian officials protested that Al Jazeera was hyping the unrest because of its anti-Western agenda: its managers wanted to see a “moderate” Arab regime fall, even if the protesters were not Islamists, like those in so many earlier revolts. But that seems unlikely. Al Jazeera’s producers knew they had a story line that their audience would love.

Since the fall of Tunisia’s autocratic president, Al Jazeera’s reporters and producers have spoken with pride of their role in the events. They also recognize that their reputation as a catalyst carries risks.

“I think we should be careful — I mean we shouldn’t think that our role is to release the Arab people from oppression,” said Mr. Krichen, the anchor.

“But I think we should also be careful not to avoid any popular movement. We should have our eyes open to capture any event that could be the start of the end of any dictator in the Arab world.”

nytimes:[excel]Dealing With Assange and the Secrets He Spilled

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/30/magazine/30Wikileaks-t.html?_r=1

[excel]Dealing With Assange and the Secrets He Spilled




The reporters had begun preliminary work on the Afghanistan field reports, using a large Excel spreadsheet to organize the material, then plugging in search terms and combing the documents for newsworthy content. They had run into a puzzling incongruity: Assange said the data included dispatches from the beginning of 2004 through the end of 2009, but the material on the spreadsheet ended abruptly in April 2009. A considerable amount of material was missing. Assange, slipping naturally into the role of office geek, explained that they had hit the limits of Excel. Open a second spreadsheet, he instructed. They did, and the rest of the data materialized — a total of 92,000 reports from the battlefields of Afghanistan.

foxnews:Pew Study: 1-in-4 People in the World Will be Muslim by 2030

Pew Study: 1-in-4 People in the World Will be Muslim by 2030


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/muslim-birth-rate-expected-fall-decades-study-shows/#ixzz1CIk2gkV1

A new study shows the world's Muslim population will increase by nearly a billion people by 2030.

According to the Pew Research Center's Forum on Religion and Public Life, the Muslim population will increase globally by 35 percent in the next 20 years, doubling the number of Muslims worldwide since the start of the century, and twice the global growth rate of non-Muslims.

If the trend holds up, Muslims will make up over 26 percent of the world's total projected population of 8.3 billion in two decades.

The study shows that 60 percent of the world's Muslims will live in the Asia-Pacific region by 2030 and 20 percent will live in the Middle East.

The U.S. Muslim population is expected to grow from 0.8 percent to 1.7 percent in 2030, "making Muslims roughly as numerous as Jews or Episcopalians are in the United States today."


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/muslim-birth-rate-expected-fall-decades-study-shows/#ixzz1CIk4nK4J

foxnews:Nuclear Watchdog Chief Warns of Nukes Falling Into the Wrong Hands

Nuclear Watchdog Chief Warns of Nukes Falling Into the Wrong Hands


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/nuclear-watchdog-chief-warns-trafficking-illicit-materials/#ixzz1CIjcwaRe

DAVOS, Switzerland While the mood here at Davos has been optimistic about recovery from the global credit crisis, the consensus is that the world is far from out of the woods.

Austerity and cutbacks are the buzzwords in this exclusive ski resort for this week, at least.

Among those worried about funding his project in this tight environment is Yukiya Amano, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA.

He is here at the World Economic Forum making the case for his agency. “We are aware of the difficulties of countries (who fund the IAEA). I need to strike a good balance of the needs of the agency and the capacity of countries to contribute.”

Amano is also here to make sure political leaders at this global meeting are fully aware of some of the risks we all face in the area of nuclear proliferation. He does not just mean North Korea and Iran.

“Another risk is nuclear material falling into the hands of terrorists. Some people do not believe this is a real risk. But the IAEA has a database and, on average, every two days we receive information about the illicit trafficking of nuclear materials or radioactive materials and this may only be the tip of the iceberg.”

Amano would not specify where the “loose nukes” threat lies, only saying that terrorists target the weakest link in the network. There have been cases of arrests in the former Soviet republic of Georgia, through which people have attempted to smuggle small amounts of highly enriched uranium. Georgia has an active task force that is vigorously following the trade in illicit materials, with effect.

Amano told Fox News, “Nowadays, with the current level of world technology, terrorists can make nuclear weapons -- well, dirty bombs, at least.”

Of course, the topic of Iran is still a major concern for the nuclear watchdog. Talks between six world powers and Iran last weekend in Turkey broke down.

“Regarding the Istanbul meetings, it was a disappointment, because no significant progress was made.”

Amano, who has a reputation for being much tougher and direct about the problems with the Iran file than his predecessor, Nobel Peace Prize winner Mohamad El Baradei, continued, “Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA is not sufficient and therefore we cannot confirm the absence of certain nuclear or undeclared activities or that Iran’s program is only for peaceful purposes.”

While Iran continues to insist that its nuclear program is peaceful, and that it is cooperating fully with the IAEA, the group of world powers, including the United States, which met with Iranian negotiators last weekend, pushed to have Iran agree to measures that would help the international community gain clarity about Tehran’s program. Iran flatly refused.

Amano said, “There are some activities with a military dimension. I’m not saying Iran has a nuclear weapon, but there are some activities that have some military aspects and we have some concerns.”

Iran has not agreed to the Additional Protocol of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which would allow inspectors to visit undeclared but suspect sites. That is a worry, especially after the sudden discovery of a new enrichment facility near the holy city of Qom in September 2009.

Amano said his team is not certain to what extent the Stuxnet computer worm sent Iran back. But to the extent to which it poses a danger to any nuclear program, the agency is studying it.

Finally, while the very serious and real concerns about proliferation mount, made even more acute now by the fact that more and more countries are embracing nuclear energy as a green and stable fuel source, Amano says his agency also has untapped potential to help with the management of water, and treatment of cancer around the world.

“The IAEA has expertise in nuclear medicine and radiotherapy which are very effective in diagnosis and treatment. Then there is water. Water has some isotopes. If we monitor the radio isotopes coming from water, we can measure where aquifers for ground water are and if we can measure the resource we can better control it.”

In the meantime, though, much of the world’s attention is focused on Iran and a resolution to its nuclear stand-off with the international community. The IAEA needs funding to keep its inspectors highly trained and with the most current equipment to do their job. But as proliferation experts say, the inspectors can only be as good as the cooperation they get from countries they are inspecting.


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/nuclear-watchdog-chief-warns-trafficking-illicit-materials/#ixzz1CIjhvVKx

foxnews:Egypt Restricts Internet Access, Bolsters Security Forces in Anticipation of Future Protesting

Egypt Restricts Internet Access, Bolsters Security Forces in Anticipation of Future Protesting


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/egypt-restricts-internet-access-bolsters-security-forces-anticipation-future/#ixzz1CIilewrP

CAIRO -- Internet service in Egypt was disrupted and the government deployed an elite special operations force in Cairo on Friday, hours before an anticipated new wave of anti-government protests.

The developments were a sign that President Hosni Mubarak's regime was toughening its crackdown following the biggest protests in years against his nearly 30-year rule.

The counter-terror force, rarely seen on the streets, took up positions in strategic locations, including central Tahrir Square, site of the biggest demonstrations this week.

Facebook and Twitter have helped drive this week's protests. But by Thursday evening, those sites were disrupted, along with cell phone text messaging and BlackBerry Messenger services.

Then the Internet went down.


Earlier, the grass-roots movement got a double boost -- the return of Nobel Peace laureate Mohamed ElBaradei and the backing of the biggest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood.

After midnight, security forces arrested at least five Brotherhood leaders and five former Members of Parliament, according to the group's lawyer, Abdel-Moneim Abdel-Maksoud, and spokesman, Walid Shalaby. They said security forces had also taken a large number of Brotherhood members in a sweep in Cairo and elsewhere.

The real test for the protest movement will be whether Egypt's fragmented opposition can come together, with Friday's rallies expected to be some of the biggest so far.

Social networking sites were abuzz that the gatherings called after Friday prayers could attract huge numbers of protesters demanding the ouster of Mubarak. Millions gather at mosques across the city on Fridays, giving organizers a vast pool of people to tap into.

The 82-year-old Mubarak has not been seen in public or heard from since the protests began Tuesday with tens of thousands marching in Cairo and a string of other cities. While he may still have a chance to ride out this latest challenge, his choices are limited, and all are likely to lead to a loosening of his grip on power.

Violence escalated on Thursday at protests outside the capital. In the flashpoint city of Suez, along the strategic Suez Canal, protesters torched a fire station and looted weapons that they then turned on police. The Interior Ministry said in a statement that more than 90 police officers were injured in those clashes. There were no immediate figures on the number of injured protesters.

In the northern Sinai area of Sheik Zuweid, several hundred Bedouins and police exchanged gunfire, killing a 17-year-old. About 300 protesters surrounded a police station from rooftops of nearby buildings and fired two rocket-propelled grenades at it, damaging the walls.

Video of the shooting of the teenager, Mohamed Attef, was supplied to a local journalist and obtained by AP Television News. Attef crumpled to the ground after being shot on the street. He was alive as fellow protesters carried him away but later died.

The United States, Mubarak's main Western backer, has been publicly counseling reform and an end to the use of violence against protesters, signs the Egyptian leader may no longer be enjoying Washington's full backing.

In an interview broadcast live on YouTube, President Barack Obama said the anti-government protests filling the streets show the frustrations of Egypt's citizens. "It is very important that people have mechanisms in order to express their grievances," Obama said.

Noting that Mubarak has been "an ally of ours on a lot of critical issues," Obama added: "I've always said to him that making sure that they're moving forward on reform, political reform and economic reform, is absolutely critical to the long-term well-being of Egypt."

"And you can see these pent-up frustrations that are being displayed on the streets," Obama said.

In a move likely to help swell the numbers on the streets, the Muslim Brotherhood ended days of inaction to throw its support behind the demonstrations. On its website, the outlawed group said it would join "with all the national Egyptian forces, the Egyptian people, so that this coming Friday will be the general day of rage for the Egyptian nation."

However, Internet disruptions were reported by a major service provider for Egypt. Italy-based Seabone said there was no Internet traffic going into or out of the country after 12:30 a.m. local time Friday.

For the Brotherhood, still smarting from their recent defeat in a parliamentary election marred by fraud, the protests offer a rare opportunity to seize on what is increasingly shaping up as the best shot at regime change since Mubarak came to office in 1981.

The Brotherhood has sought to depict itself as a force pushing for democratic change in Egypt's authoritarian system, and is trying to shed an image among critics that it aims to seize power and impose Islamic law. The group was involved in political violence for decades until it renounced violence in the 1970s.

The Brotherhood's support and the return of ElBaradei were likely to energize a largely youth-led protest movement that, by sustaining unrest over days, has shaken assumptions that Mubarak's security apparatus can keep a tight lid on popular unrest.

ElBaradei, the former head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog and a leading Mubarak opponent, has sought to recreate himself as a pro-democracy campaigner in his homeland. He is viewed by some supporters as a figure capable of uniting the country's fractious opposition and providing the movement with a road map for the future.

For ElBaradei, it is a chance to shake off his image as an elitist who is out of touch after years of living abroad, first as an Egyptian diplomat and later with the United Nations.

Speaking to reporters Thursday before his departure for Cairo, ElBaradei said: "If people, in particular young people, ... want me to lead the transition, I will not let them down. My priority right now ... is to see a new regime and to see a new Egypt through peaceful transition."

Once on Egyptian soil, he struck a conciliatory note.

"We're still reaching out to the regime to work with them for the process of change. Every Egyptian doesn't want to see the country going into violence," he said. "Our hand is outstretched."
"I wish that we didn't have to go to the streets to impress on the regime that they need to change," ElBaradei said. "There is no going back. I hope the regime stops the violence, stops detaining people, stops torturing people."

With Mubarak out of sight, the ruling National Democratic Party said Thursday it was ready for a dialogue with the public but offered no concessions to address demands for a solution to rampant poverty, unemployment and political change.

Safwat El-Sherif, the party's secretary general and a longtime confidant of Mubarak, was dismissive of the protests at the first news conference by a senior ruling party figure since the unrest began.

"We are confident of our ability to listen. The NDP is ready for a dialogue with the public, youth and legal parties," he said. "But democracy has its rules and process. The minority does not force its will on the majority."

El-Sharif's comments were likely to reinforce the belief held by many protesters that Mubarak's regime is incapable, or unwilling, to introduce reforms that will meet their demands. That could give opposition parties an opening to win popular support if they close ranks and promise changes sought by the youths at the forefront of the unrest.

Mubarak has not said yet whether he will stand for another six-year term as president in elections this year. He has never appointed a deputy and is thought to be grooming his son Gamal to succeed him despite popular opposition. According to leaked U.S. memos, hereditary succession also does not meet with the approval of the powerful military.

Mubarak has seen to it that no viable alternative to him has been allowed to emerge. Constitutional amendments adopted in 2005 by the NDP-dominated parliament has made it virtually impossible for independents like ElBaradei to run for president.

Continuing the heavy-handed methods used by the security forces the past three days would probably buy his regime a little time but could strengthen the resolve of the protesters and win them popular sympathy.

The alternative is to introduce a package of political and economic reforms that would end his party's monopoly on power and ensure that the economic liberalization policies engineered by his son and heir apparent Gamal over the past decade benefit the country's poor majority.

He could also lift the emergency laws in force since 1981, loosen restrictions on the formation of political parties and publicly state whether he will stand for another six-year term in elections this year.

Mubarak's regime suffered another serious blow Thursday when the stock market's benchmark index fell more than 10 percent by close, its biggest drop in more two years on the back of a 6 percent fall a day earlier.

Egypt's situation is similar to Iran's manipulation of the Internet during the 2009 disputed elections, said Craig Labovitz, chief scientist for Arbor Networks, a Chelmsford, Mass.-based security company.

Blocking the Web in countries that exert strong control over their Internet providers is not difficult, he said, because companies that own fiber optic cables and other technologies are often under strict licenses from the government.

"I don't think there's a big red button -- it's probably a phone call that goes out to half a dozen folks," he said.


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/egypt-restricts-internet-access-bolsters-security-forces-anticipation-future/#ixzz1CIit0J2N

Thursday, January 27, 2011

terrorists drive,drove long distances, hours to internet cafe, email

terrorists drive,drove long distances, hours to internet cafe, email

http://www.schneier.com/blog/archives/2008/01/terrorist_trade.html


Joe Buck: I don't see any reference to data interception. The wardriving is just to find an unsecured wireless access point they can use for chat or email. Bruce (if I recall correctly) says he has his wireless publicly accessible but locks down his local network.
I guess he has to worry that some terrorist internet activity will be traced to his IP address, after these terorists use his open wireless AP. The thing is, though, that these guys are supposedly using no connection twice - travelling long distances to "virgin" internet cafes for example. Whatever system the "good guys" have to follow this internet activity, they must assume that the originating address is worthless or at least be able to determine that fact pretty easily.

Posted by: Bodi at January 30, 2008 1:21 PM

BBC:[terrorists drive,drove HOURS2internet cafe4ONE email] Anti-terror police seek help from internet cafes

Two of the conspirators, Junade Feroze and Abdul Aziz Jalil, were followed by officers as they drove four hours from London to an internet cafe in Swansea where they sent one e-mail before returning.

[terrorists drive,drove HOURS2internet cafe4ONE email] Anti-terror police seek help from internet cafes

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8582823.stm

Thursday, 25 March 2010

Police battling the threat of terrorism have unveiled a new tactic - they are targeting internet cafes.

As evidence suggests that several people convicted with terrorism acts have visited internet cafes while plotting their crimes, the Metropolitan Police are trialling a new initiative in which owners agree to monitor what customers are looking at, and report any suspect activity to police.

The visit by two policeman and a community support officer is unannounced - but this is not a raid.

Instead they are here at an internet cafe in Camden in London as part of a new programme in the government's £140m Prevent strategy to help counterterrorism.

The new initiative involves getting internet cafe owners to monitor the websites their customers view and to pass on any worries over suspicious activity to the police.

Steven Staples owns one of the internet cafes in Camden that the Prevent officers visit and he is given posters to put up warning the public of material which is deemed unacceptable to view.

He is also given the choice of which coloured background he would like for a Metropolitan Police screensaver to upload on to his machines to spell out the same message.

E-mails

The scheme is on trial in Camden. If it is successful, the Met Police hopes other police forces, as well as universities, will adopt it to help target a tool of research and communication which used previously by terrorists.

In August 2006, police made a number of arrests as part of Operation Overt and, three years later, three men were found guilty of planning to use liquid bombs to blow up a possible seven planes.

Abdulla Ahmed Ali was jailed for 40 years, while Assad Sarwar was sentenced to 36 years and Tanvir Hussain to 32 years for masterminding the plot.

The key suspects in the case had been found to have used internet cafes for research and to send e-mails to other conspirators.

In Operation Rhyme, a plot to explode car bombs at financial targets in New York and London was foiled and seven men were jailed in June 2007.

Two of the conspirators, Junade Feroze and Abdul Aziz Jalil, were followed by officers as they drove four hours from London to an internet cafe in Swansea where they sent one e-mail before returning.

The Prevent strategy, also known as Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE), aims to stop people becoming or supporting terrorists.

Police say that the internet cafe programme is not about arresting people, but more to determine if their users need what they term as "support".

Mr Staples and other internet cafe owners BBC Asian Network have spoken to say they have not yet had any cause to worry about the content their customers view.

Patterns forming

But Mr Staples agrees with the measures the police are implementing: "I would tell whoever I needed to if I was concerned with what people were doing [in my internet cafe].

"It is good to have some framework to point to [in terms of the poster and screensaver] and tell people that what they're doing is not on."

The police want internet cafe owners to check the hard drives of their computers to help spot any suspicious activity.

Pc Jason Beynsberger is a Prevent engagement officer for Camden and he tells Mr Staples to contact him if he notices anyone accessing extremist material.

"Obviously every situation is different," said Pc Beynsberger. "We need to establish if there is something we need to investigate further, for example, if there's a pattern forming.

"If the owner sees people looking at violent extremism they need to know who they can turn to."

Using internet cafes may help those guilty of suspicious behaviour avoid being detected by police, but there are concerns that PVE amounts to police playing Big Brother.

Arun Kundnani is the author of Spooked: How Not to Prevent Violent Extremism, which is published by the Institute of Race Relations.

"To ask internet cafes to spy on their customers and students is another step in the direction of creating a society of total surveillance," said Mr Kundnani.

"What is dangerous about this initiative is that it does not just focus on preventing access to illegal material but also material that is defined as 'extremist' without offering an objective definition of what that is.

"It thus potentially criminalises people for accessing material that is legal but which expresses religious and political opinions that police officers find unacceptable.

"It is likely to result in not only a general violation of privacy and freedom of expression but also discrimination against Muslims, whose use of the internet will be seen as inherently more suspicious."

nytimes:Thousands Protest Against Government in Yemen

Thousands Protest Against Government in Yemen

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/28/world/middleeast/28yemen.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

BEIRUT — Thousands of Yemenis took to the streets in the country’s capital and other regions on Thursday to demand a change of government, in demonstrations that organizers said were inspired by protests in Tunisia that toppled the president there.

At least 10,000 protesters led by opposition members and youths activists gathered at Sana University and around 6,000 more elsewhere in the Yemeni capital of Sana, according to local news media reports.

The government responded by sending a large number of security forces into the streets, said Nasser Arabyee, a Yemeni journalist in Sana reached by phone.

“There are very strict security measures, antiriot forces,” he said, adding that security forces for the moment were closely monitoring the gatherings and that no clashes had been reported.

The demonstrations on Thursday followed several days of smaller protests by students and opposition groups saying they wanted President Ali Abdallah Saleh removed from power.

Through the morning, the protesters chanted slogans against Mr. Saleh, a strongman who for more than 30 years has ruled a fractured country beset by a rebellion in the north and secessionists in the south. Mr. Saleh is a key ally of the United States in the fight against a Yemeni branch of Al Qaeda.

The protests were the latest in a wave of unrest touched off by monthlong demonstrations in Tunisia that led to the ouster of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the authoritarian leader who ruled for 23 years and fled two weeks ago. The new Tunisian government issued an international warrant for his arrest on corruption charges Wednesday.

The antigovernment gatherings in Yemen also follow two days of violent clashes between protesters and security forces in Egypt, with the country bracing for another round of demonstrations on Thursday in defiance of a government ban. Egyptian protesters have called for an end to the 30-year rule of President Hosni Mubarak, who, like Mr. Saleh, has been an ally of the United States.

In an echo of demonstrations around the region, news reports quoted the protesters in Yemen as also calling for an end to corruption and abuse of power and demanding improvements in living conditions. To ease tensions, Mr. Saleh has promised to raise salaries for the army, by approximately $47 a month, and denied reports that he is preparing his son as his successor.

A pro-government rally, in another district of Sana, organized by Mr. Saleh’s party, attracted far fewer demonstrators, Mr. Arabyee said.

Unlike Tunisia and Egypt, relatively stable countries with substantial middle classes and broad access to the Internet, Yemen is among the poorest countries in the Middle East.

In a televised speech on Sunday night, Mr. Saleh tried to defuse calls for his ouster, denying opposition claims about his son and saying he would raise army salaries, a move that appeared designed to ensure soldiers’ loyalty. Mr. Saleh has also cut income taxes in half and ordered price controls.

Yemen’s fragile stability has been of increasing concern to the United States. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, in a visit to Sana earlier this month, urged Mr. Saleh to open a dialogue with the opposition, saying it would help to stabilize the country. His current term expires in two years, but proposed constitutional changes could allow him to hold onto power for longer.

During her visit, Ms. Clinton was asked by a Yemeni lawmaker how the United States could lend support to Mr. Saleh’s authoritarian rule even as his country increasingly becomes a haven for militants.

“We support an inclusive government,” Mrs. Clinton said in response. “We see that Yemen is going through a transition.”

foxnews:Al-Qaida leader admits facing pressure from drones

Al-Qaida leader admits facing pressure from drones

http://www.foxnews.com/world/2011/01/27/al-qaida-leader-admits-facing-pressure-drones/?test=latestnews

A purported al-Qaida leader in Pakistan says the terror network is losing territory and fighters amid a U.S. drone strike campaign, according to an audio message monitored by a U.S. organization that tracks militant propaganda.

The rare admission by Ustadh Ahmad Farooq follows an escalation in U.S. missile hits against al-Qaida and Taliban targets in the tribal belt along the border with Afghanistan, as well as increased Pakistani army operations over the last three years.

This week, President Barack Obama said al-Qaida's leadership was facing more pressure in Pakistan than at any point since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, made wiping out the network America's top defense and foreign policy priority.

The authenticity of the audio recording could not be independently verified, but Farooq has released other messages.

The U.S.-based SITE Intelligence Group, which tracks militant Web sites and other media, described Farooq as al-Qaida's head of media and preaching in Pakistan. It said late Wednesday that the recording was released by Al-Sahab, al-Qaida's media arm.


SITE said Farooq spoke of the challenges facing al-Qaida in vague terms as part of a broader lecture on the need to keep faith in God during times of crisis. The 28-minute speech was released on jihadi forums on Jan. 23, according to the U.S. group.

"There were many areas where we once had freedom, but now they have been lost," he said. "We are the ones that are losing people, we are the ones facing shortages of resources. Our land is shrinking and drones are flying in the sky."

Farooq spoke in Urdu, Pakistan's most widely understood language.

Pakistan's Afghan border region is believed to shelter top al-Qaida leaders including its chief, Osama bin Laden, and his deputy, Ayman Al-Zawahri. Several other al-Qaida linked groups also congregate in the region, from where they devise attacks against the Pakistani state, targets in the West and U.S. and NATO troops in Afghanistan.

Under U.S. pressure, Pakistan's army has carried out offensives against militants in many parts of the area since 2009, while the United States has launched a blistering campaign of missiles from unmanned drones.

The covert, CIA-run program launched around 115 attacks last year in Pakistan, more than double the previous year. The strikes have continued at a similar pace this year. Nearly all have hit the North Waziristan tribal region, the main sanctuary of groups focused on killing U.S. and NATO troops in Afghanistan as well as al-Qaida leaders.


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